Wolf D. Fuhrig

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01-12-03

In Cahoots With Saddam

It was on December 20, 1983, when Donald Rumsfeld, America's current Secretary of Defense, for the first time met with Iraq's President Saddam Hussein. He had come to Baghdad as President Reagan's special envoy to plead for the normalization of U.S.-Iraqi relations.

After the fanatical Khomeini regime in Tehran had kept 62 Americans hostage from November 4, 1979, to January 20, 1981, the White House apparently felt justified to help the Iraqi leader in his war of aggression against Iran. It was well known that Saddam had hundreds of left wing and Shiite opponents executed after he overthrew his predecessor in 1979. Yet, the dictator had also vociferously condemned the Soviet invasion of Muslim Afghanistan. The State Department did not want Iraq to lose the war because that would have threatened the oil supply from all Arab countries bordering the Persian Gulf.

While Rumsfeld hobnobbed with Saddam Hussein and Foreign Minister Tariq Aziz, Iran's adroit chargé d'affaires in Washington, Nizar Hamdoon, traveled all over the country making friends and trade deals for Iraq. He also visited Jacksonville, Illinois, addressed a convocation at Illinois College, and tried to convince two inquisitive academics, Professor Richard Fry and this writer, that Saddam's Iraq was really America's best ally against Iran's raving ayatollahs.

So it seemed pragmatically, although not morally, justified for the U.S. to seek improved diplomatic and trade relations with Hussein's regime that at the time seemed both anti-Iranian and anti-Soviet. Maybe, the Reagan administration hoped, Saddam's abysmal human rights record would improve under American influence. The political realities, however, were much more complex. On June 7, 1981, the U.S. had allowed Israel, its closest ally, to destroy Iraq's nuclear power plant near Baghdad in a preemptive bomb attack, while the Soviets and the French were supplying Saddam with billions of dollars worth of military supplies, including missiles (such as the French Exocet) and fighter planes (such as the Soviet MiG 29s). In exchange for removing Iraq from the State Department's list of states harboring terrorists, Saddam expelled Palestinian guerilla leader Abu Nidal (but sneakily readmitted him in 1985).

Largely due to Rumsfeld's efforts, the U.S. and Iraq exchanged ambassadors in 1984. Trade increased both ways: American rice, cluster bombs, and intelligence for Iraqi oil. According to the Washington Post, "The administrations of Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush authorized the sale to Iraq of numerous items that had both military and civilian applications, including poisonous chemicals and deadly biological viruses, such as anthrax and bubonic plague." That fact was confirmed in 1994 by an investigation of the Senate Banking Committee. Declassified documents even show "that Rumsfeld traveled to Baghdad at a time when Iraq was using chemical weapons on an 'almost daily' basis."

Little did the American people know then that their government had been making a secret arms-for-hostages deal with Iran involving 508 American-made TOW missiles. In 1986, moreover, our Israeli friends accommodated President Reagan by supplying another 4,000 of those anti-tank weapons to their anti-Zionist enemies in Tehran. When Beirut's al-Shira'a newspaper revealed that deal on November 2, 1986, the "Irangate" scandal made the headlines at last. On May 21, 1987, two Iraqi Exocet missiles hit the frigate USS Stark, killing 37 sailors. At first, Washington blamed Iran for the attack. Reports of the use of mustard gas and the colorless, odorless, and deadly nerve agent Tabun grew more detailed. Thousands of Kurds and Iranians were killed. Nobody will ever know exactly how many. In March 1988, Saddam's chemical weapons exterminated another 4,000 Kurds. Soil samples later confirmed the allegations. Both the Reagan and Bush administrations continued to court Saddam Hussein as an Arab moderate--until his troops invaded Kuwait in August 1990. Within days, the spin specialists of the White House and the media reinvented him from a flawed statesman into a brutal bogeyman.

Ever since, concerned Americans have been wondering why, 6,000 miles away from home, their government aided and abetted this tyrant and aggressor in the production and use of weapons of mass destruction.