Whenever in recent months there were a few genuine debates on the
floor of the U. S. House, the most crucial questions about the course
of America’s foreign policy remained insufficiently or not at
all addressed, specifically (1) how to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict, (2) how to end U.S. military involvement in Iraq, (3) how
to eradicate the Taliban and al-Qaeda permanently from Afghanistan,
and (4) how to prevent nuclear proliferation world-wide. Here are a
few specifics.
Palestine
Few Republicans and Democrats dare to speak out for an expedited peace settlement
in the Holy Land, even though it is crucial for both Israel’s and America’s
security. Most Congressmen are so beholden to the wealthy Israeli lobby (AIPAC),
or are so afraid of its clout, that they avoid addressing the need for a settlement,
even during the present election campaign. AIPAC apparently wants a rigid American
stand in favor of permanent Israeli control over all of Palestine.
Amazingly, however, it was Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice who recently showed
Congress the way in a statement before the American Task Force on Palestine: “I
believe that there could be no greater legacy for America than to help to bring
into being a Palestinian state for a people who have suffered too long, who have
been humiliated too long, who have not reached their potential for too long,
and who have so much to give to the international community and to all of us.
I promise you my personal commitment to that goal.”
Iraq
Most Congressmen do not advocate the withdrawal of our troops from Iraq for fear
of being charged with “cutting and running.” If, however, the Iraqis
were asked in a referendum whether they want all foreign troops to leave, the
President and Congress could quickly get the most authoritative justification
for an honorable transfer of power to Iraq’s legitimate government.
Afghanistan
In Afghanistan, the Bush administration never finished the campaign to eradicate
the Taliban and al-Qaeda. Yet, few Congressmen have been calling for a stronger
effort to destroy the terrorist conspiracy where it began and where its remnants
are still hiding out.
Nuclear arms
On nuclear proliferation and expansion, recent Congressional debates have produced
virtually no critical or new ideas while the administration shrewdly distracted
the public from its own nuclear weapons development by loudly agitating against
the weakest violators, North Korea and (allegedly) Iran. Apparently, our leaders
at both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue want the world divided into a few superior
powers (the U.S., China, Russia, Britain, France, India, Pakistan, and Israel)
entitled to build ever more sophisticated and secret nuclear arsenals, and a
huge majority of inferior states open to inspection and subject to arbitrary
limitations even of their non-military nuclear industries.
Fighting terrorists
Ever since November 11, 2001, America’s highest priority has been the reduction
and ultimate elimination of terrorist attacks by Muslims hostile toward Western
powers in general and the United States in particular. Yet, Congress has never
debated in detail what can be done diplomatically to change the terrorist temptation
of those who oppose America’s presence in the Middle East.
Non-Muslims who have lived and studied in Islamic countries can tell you how
much Muslims feel beleaguered by the powerful West and how much they want an
end to the occupation of Muslim lands by non-Muslims. As long as we fail to end
the occupation of Palestine, Iraq, and ultimately Afghanistan, the threat of
terror attacks by death-defying Muslims is unlikely to stop.
The victory promised by President Bush in the “war on terror” can
never be achieved solely by military means but only when the Muslim masses are
persuaded that we do not want to dominate them and change their way of life.
Neither the Republicans nor the Democrats on Capitol Hill have so far helped
the President develop the non-military strategies that promise to reduce the
tensions between Muslims and non-Muslims, particularly in the Middle East.